公告：facebook资讯--脸书涨赞
社交媒体生产性消费和网络政治参与——对网络传播过程的考察
【题目】
Social Media Prosumption and Online Political Participation: An Examination of Online Communication Processes
【作者】
Masahiro Yamamoto, state University of New York
Seungahn Nah, University of Oregon
Soo Young Bae, University of Massachusetts Amherst
【摘要】
本研究探讨了社交媒体的生产性消费（prosumption, 一种消费和生产合而为一的行为）与网络政治参与的关联程度。一项对美国成年人的追踪调查表明，以网络政治信息检索行为为中介变量，社交媒体的生产性消费能间接促进网络政治参与。此外，我们进一步发现，网络政治信息检索会提高网络空间政治讨论的异质性，以此二者作为中介，社交媒体的生产性消费也与网络政治参与成正相关。我们的发现进一步对社交媒体的产消性使用对网络政治参与的影响进行了讨论。
This study examines the extent to which social media prosumption, an integrated act of consumption and production, is associated with online political participation. Data from an online panel survey of American adults reveal that social media prosumption has a positive relationship with online political participation indirectly through online political information seeking. Social media prosumption is also positively related to online political participation through online political information and online discussion heterogeneity in serial. Implications are discussed for the role of prosumptive use of social media in online political participation.
2.理解新媒介素养、沟通技巧和民主倾向之间的关系——模型开发和测试
【题目】
Understanding the Relationship between New Media Literacy, Communication Skills, and Democratic Tendency: Model Development and Testing
【作者】
Esra Barut Tugtekin, Anadolu University
Mustafa Koc Suleyman,Demirel University
【摘要】
新媒体为参与式行为提供了至关重要的新的信息和传播资源。基于此，学者们对公民在数字时代理应具备且积极实践的新媒介素养（new media literacy , 简称为NML）进行了概念化提取。本研究提出一个结构模型并对其进行了检测，该模型考察了公民新媒介素养（NML）、沟通技巧（CS）和民主倾向（DT）之间的多种关系。数据采集自1047名土耳其大学生，并采用结构方程模型进行了分析。参考一篇文献中的综合性理论框架，新媒介素养可以从四个层面进行操作化定义，分别是功能性消费能力（Functional Consumption，包括消费技能和理解能力，前者即访问和操作基本硬件和软件所需的技术技能，后者涉及从字面上熟练把握媒体内容的能力）、批判性消费能力（critical Consumption，包括批判性分析，整合以及评估媒体内容的能力）、功能性产消能力（Functional Prosumption，使用媒体技术创作新媒体内容并参与新媒体平台互动的能力）和批判性产消能力（Critical Prosumption，以富有成效的方式在新媒体平台表达个人信念和价值观，与他人进行思想交流并在参与新媒体生产过程中分析其预期影响的能力）。结果表明，功能性消费能力和功能性产消能力对批判性消费能力、批判性产消能力和沟通技巧呈现正向相关。批判性消费能力越强，批判性产消能力和民主倾向越会受到积极影响；优秀的沟通技巧同样对批判性消费能力的提高和正面的民主倾向具有积极意义。在间接影响的层面考察，批判性消费能力和沟通技巧在功能性消费能力和功能性产消能力（presumptive use）与民主倾向的关系中起着中介作用。
New media provides new sources of information and communication that are crucial for participatory behaviors. Therefore, scholars conceptualize new media literacy (NML) that citizens should have to function successfully in this digital era. This study proposed and tested a structural model that examines multiple relationships among NML, communication skills (CS), and democratic tendency (DT). Data were collected from 1047 Turkish university students and analyzed through structural equation modeling. Using a comprehensive theoretical framework from the literature, NML was operationalized through four factors: functional consuming (FC), critical consuming (CC), functional prosuming (FP), and critical prosuming (CP). The results showed that FC and FP had a positive effect on CC, CP, and CS; CC had a positive effect on CP and DT; and CS had a positive effect on CC and DT. Findings of indirect effects revealed that CC and CS played mediation roles in the relationship of FC and FP with DT.
3.他们的规则——4chan论坛的迷因化对立和模糊的他者
【题目】
(((They))) rule: Memetic antagonism and nebulous othering on 4chan
【作者】
Marc Tuters, University of Amsterdam
Sal Hagen, University of Amsterdam
【摘要】
迷因一度被认为是表达一种进步性的异议的工具，但本文则专注于考察政治迷因与近年来网络亚文化中的反动性转向之间的复杂关系。研究以Chantal Mouffe在政治性影响方面的研究为基础，探索网络匿名论坛4chan*中的用户如何通过使用迷因文化、迷因抽象（memetic abstraction）和迷因对立（memetic antagonism）等方式将自身建构为政治社群。具体来说，本文着眼于4chan论坛中充满亚文化和极端偏激意味的政治不正确（/ pol /）版块如何通过反犹太迷因，即三个括号（（））来实现此过程。通过整合政治不正确版块中大量包含此迷因的评论数据，本文发现此版块的用户——或匿名者——倾向于用该迷因来建构一群会对民粹主义的煽动性言论产生共情的身份模糊的他者群体。
*4chan：美国一个完全匿名的实时消息论坛，被认为充斥色情内容和仇恨言论，时常引发争议。
Previously theorised as vehicles for expressing progressive dissent, this article considers how political memes have become entangled in the recent reactionary turn of Web subcultures. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe’s work on political affect, this article examines how online anonymous communities use memetic literacy, memetic abstraction, and memetic antagonism to constitute themselves as political collectives. Specifically, it focuses on how the subcultural and highly reactionary milieu of 4chan’s /pol/ board does so through an anti-Semitic meme called triple parentheses. In aggregating the contents of this peculiar meme from a large dataset of /pol/ comments, the article finds that /pol/ users, or anons, tend to use the meme to formulate a nebulous out-group resonant with populist demagoguery.
4.政治效能感*能否预测各国的新闻参与度？对群体内部政治效能感、媒介环境与新闻参与三者关系的多层次分析
【题目】
Does political efficacy equally predict news engagement across countries? A multilevel analysis of the relationship among internal political efficacy, media environment and news engagement
【作者】
Shuning Lu, North Dakota State University
Luwei Rose Luqiu, Hong Kong Baptist University
【摘要】
本研究首次从三个维度（即整体新闻参与、用户-用户新闻参与*、用户-内容新闻参与*）考察了36个国家的新闻参与机制。基于一份跨国横断面调查数据（样本数为72930），笔者采用分层线性模型来检验群体内部政治效能感和媒介环境（包括政治环境和技术环境）对个体新闻参与行为的影响。研究结果显示，群体内部的政治效能感与新闻参与呈正相关。新闻自由与用户-内容新闻参与呈负相关；互联网普及率与新闻参与的三个指标均呈负相关。新闻自由作为中介变量，降低了内部政治效能感对用户-内容新闻参与的影响。本研究进一步深化了我们对影响公众新闻参与的个体机制和语境机制的理解，也为新闻机构在自身的实践参与中考量媒介环境的影响提供了重要的启示。
*政治效能感（political efficacy）：指个人对自身参与、影响政治的能力认知，以及对政治制度和政治体系的认知。
*用户-用户新闻参与[user-user news engagement]：指两个或多个用户围绕新闻内容的互动，例如与线下和线上的朋友分享、讨论新闻。
*用户-内容新闻参与[user-content news engagement]：指用户与新闻内容的互动，包括用户对新闻报道的反应（点赞、评论等）和公民新闻实践。
This study serves as the first to examine the mechanism of news engagement with regard to the three proposed dimensions (i.e. overall news engagement, user-user news engagement, and user-content news engagement) across 36 countries. We employed hierarchical linear modeling to test how internal political efficacy and media environment—both political and technological, shape news engagement based on the multinational cross-sectional survey data (N = 72,930). The findings showed that internal political efficacy was positively associated with news engagement. Press freedom was negatively associated with user-content news engagement; Internet penetration was negatively associated with the three indicators of news engagement. Press freedom negatively moderated the effect of internal political efficacy on user-content news engagement. The study advances our understanding about the individual and contextual mechanisms of news engagement. It also renders significant implications for news organizations to consider the role of media environment while practicing engagement.
5.埃及的女权主义式反公众*——后革命时期公共领域的复兴
【题目】
Egypt’s feminist counterpublic: The re-invigoration of the post-revolution public sphere
【作者】
Dalia Elsheikh,Bournemouth University
Darren G. Lilleker, Bournemouth University
【摘要】
本研究考察了埃及的女权主义反文化*（counterculture）运动，这一运动可能正在为埃及的公共领域注入新的活力。研究认为，女性群体已经找到打破传统的另类方式以发展能让其团结起来的旨在动员社会变革的话语。通过关注那些以往仅在小型私人领域中讨论的私人议题，女性能够在不激怒国家机器或挑衅国安机构的前提下对陈规发起挑战，而这也使得她们得以避免成为极端政治环境的一部分。本文围绕三次网络女权运动开展了案例研究，探讨这些社群的发展动态和内在动因。通过对运动发起者进行半结构化访谈，研究获得的数据表明，为实现持续性发展，这些运动均从线上行动延伸至线下运动。本文认为，经过此种演变，女权运动正在振兴埃及的公共领域并巩固其民主制度。
*反公众（counterpublic）：对哈贝马斯的公共领域理论的一种批判，大意指在社会中被边缘化和被排斥的群体。反公众确认被排除地位之后，构筑认同堡垒，在内部形成自身的成熟话语，再向外挑战主流话语霸权。
This study examines the current feminist counterculture movements which appears to be reinvigorating the Egyptian public sphere. The study argues women in particular have been able to find themselves alternative ways to develop a discourse focused on a desire for social changes around which they can unite. In focusing on lifestyle issues that normally are discussed only in small private spheres, they are able to challenge norms while not provoking the state or security apparatus and avoiding becoming part of the polarised political environment. This article explores the dynamics and motivations of these groups through a case study of three of the networked feminist movements. Our data from semi-structured interviews with the founders show that they grew from networks to movements which then evolved in order to be sustainable. This article argues that through the process of their evolution, these movements are helping strengthen the public sphere and enhance Egyptian democracy.
6.脸书交叉讨论的决定因素——政治兴趣、新闻消费和强连接关系的异质性
【题目】
Determinants of cross-cutting discussion on Facebook: Political interest, news consumption, and strong-tie heterogeneity
【作者】
Yanqin Lu, Bowling Green State University
Jae Kook Lee,Sungkyunkwan University
【摘要】
社交网站（SNS）是否鼓励了意见相左者的政治讨论？这一问题在学界一直存在争议。本研究基于一项全国性调查，探究了引发脸书平台交叉讨论*（cross-cutting discussion）的因素。结果表明，参与者的政治兴趣与交叉讨论的实现呈正相关，而在脸书上阅读新闻的频率则是二者间关系的中介变量——换言之，热衷于政治的新闻消费者在脸书上可能会接触到与自身政见不同的内容。此外，强连接关系的异质性*（strong-tie heterogeneity）程度强化了脸书新闻消费的中介作用*（mediating effect）。本文还讨论了脸书使用对协商式民主的影响。
*交叉讨论：民主制度中政治观点相反的人所进行的讨论。
*强连接关系的异质性：指家人、密友人际关系中存在政治分歧。
*这种中介作用即如前所述，因为脸书能够满足有政治兴趣的人对新闻消费的需求，比如阅读、评论好友分享的政治新闻，这就有助于处于不同人际圈子、持有不同意见的人们展开政治讨论。
Scholarly debate persists as to whether the use of social networking sites (SNSs) encourages or discourages political discussion with people holding different opinions. Drawing on a national survey, this study focuses on Facebook and explores the predictors of cross-cutting discussion on this platform. The results reveal that political interest is positively associated with cross-cutting discussion and this relationship is mediated by the frequency of news consumption on Facebook, suggesting that Facebook use has the potential of exposing the politically attentive to dissonant views. Furthermore, the level of heterogeneity of a person’s strong-tie network is found to accentuate the mediating effect of Facebook news consumption. Implications are discussed for the impacts of Facebook use on deliberative democracy.
7.并非放之四海皆准! 定制包容性策略的八种数字不平等切面
【题目】
No one-size-fits-all! Eight profiles of digital inequalities for customized inclusion strategies
【作者】
Axelle Asmar, Vrije Universiteit Brussel
Ilse Mariën, Vrije Universiteit Brussel
Leo Van Audenhove, Vrije Universiteit Brussel
【链接】
https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211063182
【摘要】
本文提出了一个概念模型，探讨了各种（非）用户可以在多大程度上受到包容或排斥机制的支配。该模型由八种从深度排斥到深度包容的数字不平等的情况组成，结合了社会层面的五个关键指标（收入、教育、社会参与、服务机构、幸福感）和数字层面的八个关键指标（渠道、态度、数字技能、软技能、媒体环境丰富度、使用自主性、用户实践和社会支持）。这个概念模型比社会人口学更进一步，它(a)允许从另一个角度透视包容和排斥的机制；(b)并通过强调社会和数字指标在包容和排斥机制中的共同作用，为现有的研究带来了重大贡献。
This article presents a conceptual model that explores the extent to which various (non)-users can be subjected to mechanisms of inclusion or exclusion. The model consists of eight profiles of digital inequalities, ranging from deep exclusion to deep inclusion, and is based upon a combination of five key indicators at the social level (income, education, social participation, agency, well-being) and eight key indicators at the digital level (access, attitudes, digital skills, soft skills, media richness of the environment, autonomy of use, user practices and social support). This conceptual model, by going further than socio-demographics, (a) allows the formulation of an alternative lens through which to look at mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion and (b) brings a significant contribution to existing research by highlighting the co-action of social and digital indicators in mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion.
8.欧酷拉（Oculus）*的想象：脸书虚拟现实的承诺与风险
【题目】
Oculus imaginaries: The promises and perils of Facebook’s virtual reality
【作者】
Ben Egliston, Queensland University of Technology
【链接】
https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444820960068
【摘要】
本文探讨了欧酷拉（Oculus）的VR技术套件*，特别关注了该公司2014年被Facebook收购之后的那段时期。通过仔细阅读宣传材料，我们首先描述并分析了欧酷拉想象——由Facebook制作的关于欧酷拉融入并增强Facebook更广泛的社交软件体验的叙述。我们认为，这套叙述的目的是构建并推销一种Facebook特有的VR潜力愿景——一个对终端用户和平台补充者*都有吸引力的愿景——此外，这一愿景似乎有利于Facebook现在积累利润和权力的方式。随后，我们通过研究Youtube用户对欧酷拉宣传视频的评论，对欧酷拉想象如何被认为与个体日常生活和价值观相关进行了预测性描述。
*欧酷拉（Oculus）：一家成立于2012年的美国虚拟现实技术公司，首件产品是一款虚拟现实头戴式显示器。2014年，脸书公司以20亿美元的价格收购了欧酷拉。
* VR技术套件：VR，也称为虚拟技术、虚拟环境，是利用电脑模拟产生一个三维空间的虚拟世界，提供用户关于视觉等感官的模拟，让用户感觉仿佛身历其境，可以即时、没有限制地观察三维空间内的事物。一般的虚拟现实设备至少包含一个屏幕、一组传感器及一组计算组件：屏幕用来显示仿真的影像，投射在用户的视网膜上；传感器用来感知用户的旋转角度；计算组件收集传感器的资料，决定屏幕显示的画面。
*平台补充者(platform comlementor)：数字平台生态系统中的行为者通常涉及一个中心行为者（平台所有者或中心公司）。中心行为者通过吸引补充者在平台生态系统中进行运营活动创造价值。这些平台补充者能为整个平台生态系统提供补充性产品或服务，从而增强焦点产品的吸引力，如增加附加物、拓展现有模块等。
This article explores the Oculus suite of virtual reality (VR) technologies, with a specific focus on the period following the company’s 2014 acquisition by Facebook. Through a close reading of promotional material, we first describe and analyse the ‘Oculus imaginary’ – the narrative produced by Facebook about the Oculus as integrated into and enhancing the experience of Facebook’s wider suite of social software. The purpose of this narrative, we suggest, is to construct and ‘sell’ a Facebook-specific vision of VR’s potentials – one that is appealing both to end users and platform complementors – and moreover, a vision that appears to be conducive to Facebook’s current methods for accumulating profit and power. Following on, we develop via a study of YouTube user comments posted on promotional videos for the Oculus, an anticipatory account of how the Oculus imaginary is perceived to relate to the lives and values of everyday individuals.
9.完美的民粹主义*：追踪欧洲民粹主义政党在Facebook上的崛起
【题目】
Picture-perfect populism: Tracing the rise of European populist parties on Facebook
【作者】
Anders Olof Larsson, Kristiania University College
【链接】
https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444820963777
【摘要】
本文介绍了一项在Facebook上对政党和公民的活动进行了为期10年的纵向结构性研究，概述了视听内容对于在线竞选意图日益增长的重要性，以及民粹主义政党在该平台上的崛起。该研究表明，人们对视频作为一种传播手段出现的关注全面提高，这对Facebook的首发（native）*功能尤其重要。这可能会对在线政治传播信息的形成产生影响，并影响（政党）对平台的依赖性，因为政党在选择将竞选资源投向何处时会加强对平台的依赖。在公民参与方面，结果表明民粹主义政党在Facebook上占据优势，并且不断加强自身地位。民粹主义者的主导可能会对政治性信息的算法传播产生影响，也会形塑政治性信息的生成方式。
*民粹主义（populism）：又称为平民主义，是一股最先在19世纪兴起于俄国的社会思潮，意指平民论者拥护的政治与经济理念。民粹主义的本质是平民化，把普通群众作为政治改革的唯一决定性力量，否认政治精英在社会政治变迁中的作用。
This article presents a longitudinal, structural study where party and citizen activity on Facebook is studied over a 10-year period, outlining the growing importance of audio-visual content for online campaigning purposes – as well as the rise of populist parties on the same platform. The study shows that an overall increased focus on video as a means of communication emerges as especially pertinent for native Facebook functionalities. This could have repercussions for how online political communication messages are fashioned – and also for the dependencies on platforms that are supposedly strengthened as parties make choices regarding where to invest their campaign resources. In terms of citizen engagement, the results indicate the dominance of populist parties, who have strengthened their positions on the studied platform. The dominance of populist actors will likely have repercussions for the algorithmic spread of political messages – as well as for the ways in which political messages are shaped.
